Thomas Sankara was President of Burkina Faso for four years, from August 1983 until he was assassinated in October 1987. He led what is now known as the The August revolution of 1983, amongst the backdrop of neoliberal crisis (Murrey, 2012, p.1). Sankara’s aim was to achieve far-reaching socio-political and economic reform to rid Burkina Faso of the neocolonial and exploitative relationship with their former colonisers, France (Brittain, 1985, p.47; Skinner, 1988; Harsch, 2013, p.363). During Sankara’s tenure, he transformed Burkina Faso, which at the time was one of the poorest countries in the world (Harsch, 2014, p.23; Murrey, 2021). Central to Sankara’s political agenda was the true emancipation of women within the colonial and capitalist order that had imposed patriarchal and oppressive systems onto his country (Murrey, 2012, p.4). He not only centered women’s rights as an ideological belief, but he understood the necessity of true participation from women as critical for the survival and maintenance of the revolution (Mayanja, 2018, p.212; Murrey, 2012, p.4; Samuel, n.d.). In order to grasp the ideological and political beliefs of Sankara, there is huge value in quoting him ‘at length’ (Murrey, 2012, p.2). His words are a poignant reflection into his belief systems, and couple nicely with his policy initiatives – bridging the gap between ideological beliefs and practical action. 

‘The Revolution and women’s liberation go together. We do not talk of women’s emancipation as an act of charity or out of a surge of human compassion. It is a basic necessity for the revolution to triumph’

        Sankara, 2007, p107. 

Sankara viewed women’s liberation not as a peripheral concern but as integral to the very core of the revolution (Wilkins, 1989, p.383; Harsch, 2013, p.366; Harsch, 2017, p.91; Kumah-Abiwu, 2018, p.203; Walton, 2022). Indeed, the struggle for gender equality was not an abstract commitment, but fundamental and necessary for the success of the revolution (Mayanja, 2018, p. 209; Nkenkana, 2015, p45). His political ideology held that the subjugation of women mirrored the systemic oppression of imperialism, capitalism, and colonial domination – forces that impact African sovereignty and self-determination (Nkenkana, 2015, p.44-5; Mayanja, 2018, p.210; Murrey, 2021). In establishing the inextricable link between the suffering of women and the colonial suffering of Africa, he created a unique message regarding the importance of women in a revolutionary movement. Sankara believed that patriarchal structures were intertwined into the social, economic, and political of African society, thus maintaining women in conditions of subordination that mirrored the wider colonial experience of the continent (Nkenkana, 2015, p. 44; Walton, 2022). In this sense, maintaining the patriarchy mirrored the maintenance of colonial domination. Thus, a feminist outlook was necessary to dismantle the system (Mayanja, 2018, p.213). 

Women’s fate is bound up with that of the exploited male. This interdependence arises from the exploitation that both men and women suffer, exploitation that binds them together historically 

                  Sankara, 2007, p.368.

This ideological stance leads to his critique of the system that maintains and underpins such inequalities (Murrey, 2012, p.7; Samuel, n.d.). He understood that gender inequality was not a standalone injustice, but a symptom of the same global systems of exploitation that underpinned neo colonial domination and class oppression (Sankara, 2007, p.234; Walton, 2022). This realisation led him to advocate for a radical overhaul of societal values and institutions, starting from the family and extending to the state, in order to dismantle the systemic mechanisms that normalised women’s oppression (Mayanja, 2018, pp. 211–212). For Sankara, only through the genuine emancipation of women could African societies achieve the transformative change necessary to break free from imperialist control and create a future rooted in justice and equality (Murrey, 2018, p. 16; Sankara, 1990, p. 45).

We must understand how the struggle of Burkinabè women today is part of the worldwide struggle…part of the struggle for the full rehabilitation of our continent…women’s emancipation is at the heart of the question of humanity itself…

                Sankara, 1990, p.10.

Sankara critiqued the patriarchal systems that had been reinforced by colonialism, believing that they exploit and dominate women, and reinforced that true liberation required a full transformation of the system (Nkenkana, 2015, p.53). In establishing the connection between women’s emancipation and the wider struggle for African liberation from colonial powers, he was able to create a revolutionary vision that included women in a meaningful way. To understand how to achieve emancipation for women, one must understand the ways in which the current system operates – namely, the global and entrenched power structures of colonialism and capitalism (Nkenkana, 2015, p.45). Sankara understood that gender relations permeate the entirety of social and societal life that is maintained by the current system.

He not only spoke of the importance of these realities but went further than tokenistic statements and actually attempted to enact change within his revolutionary government – a unique reality for a leader during this time (Murrey, 2012, p.2; Harsch, 2013, p.366; Mayanja, 2018, p.210; Kumah-Abiwu et al, 2018, p.203; Broder, 2021; Walton, 2022). Despite pedalling a message that would not have held wide popularity, the reaction to it was positive and full of momentum (Brittain, 1985, p.46). This enthusiasm can be seen in the practical measures the revolutionary government undertook – where it was clear that Sankara moved beyond rhetoric and attempted to create genuine change.

Burkina Faso, with a population of around 7 million, had a school attendance rate of around 12% – a figure lower for girls (Murrey, 2012, p.3). Sankara launched an extensive literacy campaign that saw attendance double in just two years (Murrey, 2021), establishing literacy programmes that were solely dedicated to women’s education (Harsch, 2014, p.62). The success of this campaign reflects in his belief that women were crucial in the revolution – advocating for the need to educate from the earliest years to motivate and create that change (Sankara, 2007, p.390; Mayanja, 2018, p.217). He believed that education would lead to emancipation (Sankara, 2007, p.385).

There are many obstacles to overcome. At the top of the list are the problems of illiteracy and low political consciousness. 

      Sankara, 2007, p.384.

Sankara understood that without true engagement and understanding from the Burkinabè women, the revolution would not survive. In order to establish this change in a practical manner, he encouraged the Women’s Union of Burkina (UFB) to focus on the education of children, seeing their education as ‘important attributes that should effectively contribute to the birth of the revolutionary moral values and an anti-imperialist lifestyle, preludes to a new society’ (Sankara, 2007, p.390).

“Girls have proven they are the equals of boys at school, if not simply better… But above all they have the right to education in order to learn and know – to be free. In future literacy campaigns, the rate of participation by women must be raised to correspond with their numerical weight in the population.” 

       Sankara, 2007, p.389.

Sankara endeavored to involve women into government positions as he believed in the necessity of female participation in all areas of life, including governance (Walton, 2022). An early policy initiative was to make it mandatory to have at least five women ministers in the cabinet (Harsch, 1998, p.632; Harsch, 2014, p.62; Walton, 2022). He placed women in control of positions that were traditionally entrusted to men – such as budget and health (Harsch, 2013, p.366; Border, 2021). 

However, we must have a correct understanding of the question of women’s emancipation. It does not signify a mechanical equality between men and women…Nor will acquiring diplomas make women equal to men or more emancipated.

      Sankara, 2007, p.108.

The above quotation highlights that Sankara understood what often remains misunderstood today, that the capacity to do as men do does not equate to true equality. Descriptive representation in government through appointing women in his cabinet was not the be all and end all to the emancipation of women, hence why his vast other policy initiatives were so important to the maintenance of the revolution. 

Sankara established bodies such as the The Ministry of Family Development and the Women’s Union of Burkina: 

One of the main gains of our revolution in the struggle for women’s emancipation has been, without doubt, the establishment of the Women’s Union of Burkina.

      Sankara, 2007, p.382.

In doing so, Sankara gave women of Burkina foundations and avenues of legitimate political influence with which to enact change through. Sankara did not shy away from the huge task that he wanted to embark on – he was aware of the challenge, even regarding the revolutionary government’s initiatives thus far as ‘certainly insufficient’ (2007, p.382). There is significant humility in the capacity to accept that the process in itself is long and arduous due to how entrenched the patriarchy is. Despite the UFB gaining, over time, a distinctive and important role, it was dissolved only a few years after the coup of 1987 (Harsch, 2013, p.366-7). This indicates the fragility of the progress Sankara managed to create. 

In 1984 Sankara declared 22 September a day of solidarity with housewives – this initiative aimed to encourage men to engage in domestic labour – housework, cooking, and childcare (Murrey, 2012, p.6; Murrey, 2021; Walton, 2022). Indeed, the initiative was furthered with the implementation by the National Council of the Revolution (CNR) of men-only market days (International Crisis Group, 2013, p.6). While certain initiatives were not easily enforceable, Sankara ensured that the ideology of his revolution remained true in his government’s actions thus forming and advocating for ideas that were both new and impactful (Harsch, 2013, p.371). 

David Broder (2021) translated an interview conducted by Maxime Quijoux and Hadrien Clouet with Joséphine Ouédraogo, the Minister for Family Development and National Solidarity under Sankara. Ouédraogo discussed that the policy of previous regimes limited women’s access to assistance, effectively brandishing them as second class citizens. To this point, Sankara said to her: 

I want to break with all that. I want this ministry to contribute to a change in our society. To help us raise the status of women, I will create the Union of Burkinabé Women to encourage women to organise themselves in a political movement for emancipation.

    Broder, quoting Sankara, 2021.

The result of this was Ouédraogo’s capacity to enact genuine change through policy (Broder, 2021). She talks of their capacity to improve women’s economic situation through changing the focus of centres from domestic activities, such as cooking and sewing, to centres that taught trades, giving women the opportunity to generate their own income (Broder, 2021). The creation of the Family Code was another significant policy that Ouédraogo took part in creating as Minister, granting rights to women that helped to reconstruct their second class status (Broder, 2021). Policy implemented included the banning of polygamy and dowries, alongside the prohibition of forced marriage and female genital mutilation (Harsch, 2017, p.91; Walton, 2022). Moreover, it gave widowers and orphans the right to inherit (Harsch, 2017, p.91; Broder, 2021; Walton, 2022). Many of these practices were deeply entrenched in Burkina Faso’s society and customs, thus receiving certain levels of backlash (Harsch, 2017, p.91). Sankara nonetheless made such changes central to his revolutionary government. 

Conceiving a development project without women’s participation is like using four fingers when we have ten. It is an invitation to failure 

        Sankara, 1990, p.35.

Thomas Sankara rejected tokenism, desiring true emancipation which he understood could only be achieved through the genuine participation of women in political and social life (Mayanja, 2018, p.209; Murrey, 2012, p.2; Walton, 2022). 

Sankara, during his four years in office, successfully challenged the idea that the global capitalist system was unchangeable (Murrey, 2012, p.1). Despite his enormous feats, his leadership style and beliefs are still considered unorthodox and utopian (Harsch, 2013, p.370-71). Indeed, his concentration on the emancipation of women and the necessity of such for the survival of the revolution, coupled with his practical changes, amounted to a unique agenda for his time (Harsch, 2013, p.366; Kumah-Abiwu et al, 2018, p.203; Broder, 2021; Murrey, 2021). A week before his assasination, Sankara delivered a speech honouring the death of Cuban revolutionary, Che Guevara, who had died twenty years prior, in which he said ‘you cannot kill ideas…ideas do not die’ (Sankara, 2007, 454-55). His mission and beliefs were able to go far beyond his own lifespan. In challenging the colonial legacy and capitalist ideological system that constrains both men and women – he provides a blueprint for future movements that advocate not only for female emancipation, but emancipation from a broken system.

I speak on behalf of women throughout the entire world who suffer from a system of exploitation imposed on them by men.

                  Sankara, 1984, p.407.